Posts Tagged ‘South Africa’

Why Kairos SA wrote the Centenary letter to the ANC

Why Kairos SA wrote the Centenary letter to the ANC in 2012

We were primarily responding to the “moment” (kairos) that we sensed in the ANC centenary celebrations, and to two questions we constantly heard:

a.       Where is the (prophetic) voice of the Church in society today?

b.      Are we facing a new Kairos?

(Using the letter C to frame our response to the question about why we wrote the letter) 

  1. We wrote it to clarify the role that the churches/ Christian community has played over the years, even in and prior to the establishment of the ANC, and the kind of choices the church made and need to think about now as we move forward.
  2. We wrote to communicate some of our concerns, particularly about corruption.
  3. We also wrote it as a confidence-building excercise, to assist the Christian community to regain its confidence after almost 20 years of almost complete silence and ineffective witness in the new democracy.
  4. In the process we also took co-responsibility for what is happening in South Africa. From our perspective, this is really the most honest and most responsible position for the faith community to take.
  5. We wrote because we wanted the ANC to see the need for change in direction and to focus not so much on the past, but on the present and the future.

Some results we have seen and possible future actions:

  1. We have now seen how the Kairos SA letter to the ANC is acting as a catalyst for discussion and action
  2. We are also hoping that the faith community will more and more see itself as part of progressive civil Society  and strengthen itself in order to link with and work more with the rest of civil society. But if the faith community does not, it must understand that “even the stones will begin to cry out”.

We now think there is another “moment” approaching, viz. the 20th anniversary of our democracy, and for this we aim to begin a process of listening to at least 50 focus groups throughout the country. We cannot wait until 2014 to start this process. But first we are “loosening the ground” with the above process and campaign.

The 20th Anniversary of the democracy will of course be preceded by intense discussions about land ownership in South Africa since we will commemorate the centenary of the 1913 Land Act in 2013.

 

Zuma: South Africa will support Palestine’s UN bid

Zuma: SA will support Palestine’s UN bid

        Times LIVE, Sapa, and Reuters | 20 September, 2011

        President Jacob Zuma, his Finnish counterpart, Traja Halonen, and former British prime minister Gordon Brown share a joke at the start of a meeting on global sustainability at the UN headquarters in New York yesterday.
Image by: ELMOND JIYANE/GCIS

        President Jacob Zuma said last night that South Africa would support Palestine’s quest for statehood at the UN this week.

 ”We are dealing with a people who don’t have rights, and as a follow-up to UN human rights kind of condition and principle, I think they have to be given an opportunity because they have been blocked all the time.

“I think in their position I would do the same so that you move to a particular stage, and we will support that,” the SABC quoted the president as saying.

Zuma, who is scheduled to address the UN general assembly tomorrow, also said South Africa was “open” to discussing Libya’s future, but insisted on African Union participation.

“We do not want . the Libyan process to proceed without the AU participating. This is an AU member state,” Zuma said.

He said South Africa was prepared to discuss the matter “properly in the UN” in the hope of finding a “clear resolution”.

South Africa has repeatedly criticised Nato’s military intervention in Libya and the way in which the UN resolution 1973 on a no-fly zone was implemented by allowing air strikes.

South Africa has refused to recognise the National Transitional Council, the war-torn country’s current interim government.

Earlier yesterday, President Mahmoud Abbas said he was sticking to his plan to seek full UN membership for his Palestinian state, though “all hell had broken out” over the move, which has been opposed by both the US and Israel.

Abbas, speaking en route to the UN general assembly, said he had been told by the US and European governments that “matters will be bad” after a move that reflects his frustration with a moribund peace process.

“To what extent, we will know later on,” said Abbas, head of the Palestinian Authority, which depends on international financial aid for its survival in the Israeli-occupied West Bank.

17 September march to parliament to reject the “Secrecy bill”

Demand the Right to Know! STOP THE SECRECY BILL!

It’s been almost one year since R2K mounted its first march on Parliament in
protest at the draconian Secrecy Bill!

Through the efforts of our membership of civil society
organisations, social movements and community groups, we have ensured that
many of the draconian clauses have been removed or revised. But despite efforts
to reform the Secrecy Bill in Parliament, the final draft that will appear
before the National Assembly still metes out harsh prison sentences to
whistleblowers, and poses a clear threat to the free flow of information.

On Saturday 17 September (10.30am-1pm – right after the rugby), thousands of
South Africans will join in a march to Parliament to reject the final draft of
the ‘Secrecy Bill’.

For more information, and to organise transport for your community:

Nkwame Cedile: nkwame.cedile@gmail.com
021 461 7211 or 078 227 6008

Why is the “Tutu tax” debate important for South Africans at this time?

Why is the “Tutu tax” debate important now?

The importance and uniqueness of this debate is not that this is a new discussion (it is not), but that there is a special moment/time (a Kairos) in which this debate is currently occurring. This is therefore “early warning prophecy” at work to avoid a tsunami on the way forward.

  • It is about noticing how “economic liberation” is taking centre stage in our national debate, and
    how some are calling for an Economic CODESA, and we ignore it at our
    peril. If a very reasonable proposal by Archbishop Tutu is rubbished by
    some people in the way it has been, then those doing so should not complain
    if nationalisation and other similar proposals move higher up as a
    priority for the poorest South Africans…
  • Secondly, in three years
    time we will celebrate 20 years after the 1994 election, and 20 years
    after liberation is normally a time of intense reflection and perhaps
    the start of a “new transition” which would need to be managed properly
    lest we go the Zimbabwe route. The questions will therefore intensify,
    not lessen.
  •  Thirdly, we do not know how long Archbishop
    Tutu and Madiba will still be with us and we need to start thinking
    about what will happen when their voices are no longer with us. We must
    therefore thank God that he has sent Tutu to re-start this debate while
    he is still with us.
  • The various warnings
    from COSATU and the Moeletsi Mbeki warning of our 2020 “Tunisia moment”
    is also hanging over us and in 2014 we will only be 6 years away from
    that moment  if we don’t start reversing the situation now.
  • The recent London riots – and why it occurred - should also be taken as a warning for us….
  • Couple this with the good-intentioned
    but often inefficient and sometimes corrupt government programmes to
    alleviate poverty, as well as
  • a growing restlessness
    from amongst the poor themselves and some organising that are beginning
    to happen and we will notice that  a cocktail of things are beginning
    to coalesce
    . We are talking here about a national security situation
    and no amount of militarisation of the police force will be able to stop
    this movement.
  • This is therefore about
    discerning the signs of our times and doing something big to
    avoid something really negative, hence the “Tutu tax” proposal….We
    need to arrest this situation, otherwise the issue will become not if
    something like or bigger than the London Riots will happen here, but when….
  • We therefore need to urgently (the urgency of now) come up with a realistic and implementable
    proposal about this as soon as possible

Written by Rev Edwin Arrison  29 August 2011

The long arc of history bends towards restitution – Dave Harris

The long arc of history bends towards land restitution

I’ve taken the liberties with Martin Luther King’s famous quote “The arc of history
is long, but it bends toward justice…”, but I’m sure he’ll forgive
me.

Every developing and developed country has initiated
major land reform in varying degrees to move away from the oppressive feudal
systems that created landless peasants out of the majority that almost
invariably ended in bloody revolutions. Here in South Africa however, we have an
even more poisonous history of land grabs that were sanctioned initially by
colonialism, then imperialism, followed by apartheid – one of the greatest
crimes against humanity. Today, a more insidious form of land grab, unbridled
gentrification of certain parts of our country, that has gained momentum since
our liberation in 1994.

The Problem
A groundswell of support from our youth are now demanding economic liberation in
their lifetimes!
This is hardly surprising given the stark socioeconomic disparity along racial lines
that’s seemed to have worsened in the last decade. The visible component of this
disparity is that whites still control the major part of our economy with white
men dominating corporate boards since they occupy over 91% of CEO positions, and balk at government
affirmative-action initiatives. The invisible component meanwhile is not
immediately obvious, but much worse, since true land ownership can be easily be
masked by holding companies, fronting entities etc.
Throughout
human history, land ownership has been the single biggest generator of wealth in
western style governments and leveraged as a mechanism to pass down wealth from
generation to generation. Furthermore, in the western tradition, governments
made use of awarding and controlling land use rights to expand the power of the
state. In Africa the land grab began with the tide of colonialism that swept over the entire African
continent as colonial powers plundered the vast natural resources of the
indigenous populations. This went on for centuries and is still continuing in
various incarnations under the guise of “free trade”. In SA however, this
problem was further exacerbated by apartheid’s draconian laws that dispossessed
blacks from over 90% of their lands.
The economic
significance of land ownership can be better understood by this incident in the
Americas. When black slaves in the US were freed in January, 1865 they were
promised 40 acres and a mule – the idea was to provide arable land to enable
former slaves to be self-sufficient. The very least they could do to atone for
slavery. When the presiding US President Lincoln was assassinated a few months
later in April 1865, this promise was immediately revoked! This underscores the
value placed on land ownership.
The Causes
Centuries of
conflict over land began when colonialists first arrived on our shores but got
progressively worse with each regime culminating in an orgy of land grabs during
apartheid. Since our liberation, all attempts to correct this through negotiated
land reform has had almost negligible success and simply touched just the tip of
the iceberg. Meanwhile our mainstream media, who are supposedly acting in the
public interest have been strangely silent on this crucial issue for
decades!
“The Native Lands Act of 1912 prohibited the establishment of
new farming operations, sharecropping, or cash rentals by blacks outside of the
reserves, which made up only 7.7% of the country’s area. Inside the, reserves an
artificial form of “traditional” tenure with maximum holding sizes and
restrictions on land, transactions was imposed. Subsequent policies of “black
spot removal” transferred the large majority of, black farmers who had
legitimately owned land outside the reserves into the homelands where tenure,
restrictions, high population density, and lack of capital and market access
made commercial agriculture, virtually impossible. Labor laws that discriminated
against blacks in favor of white workers and generous, capital subsidies
contributed to successive evictions of large parts of the black population from
white, farms, where they had been employed as labor tenants and farm workers
(Binswanger and Deininger, 1993).”
The destruction and generations of suffering that these laws wrought on black
communities, is the real evil of apartheid!
1. Not only were 80% of the population pushed onto 8% of the land that whites did not want,
but black farmers where further destabilized inside these reserves as
well.
2. The Native Lands Act of 1912 was only repealed in 1993, just one year before our
liberation! More damning evidence that whites were not prepared to give an inch
until they were forced to.
3. For almost a century, the massive land grab by the whites were “legitimized” by
these inhumane laws. Since our liberation, more rules (e.g. willing
buyer-willing seller) and more bureaucracy (e.g. Land Claims Commission) have
been injected into the process slowing down land redistribution even
further.
The Group Areas Act of 1950, lay the foundation
for a systematic ethnic cleansing by apartheid government in order to speed up the land
grabs. Since these “mixed areas” were a thorn in the side of the apartheid
regime’s false ideology of “apart-ness” and “group identity”, these
forced removals also ripped apart the
social fabric of settled communities for generations and caused untold pain and
suffering for millions of African. Coloureds and Indians. Many of the South
Africa’s freedom fighters that spearheaded the resistance came from these mixed
communities like Seapoint, Sophiatown,
District Six
, Cato Manor, South End and countless other undocumented, untold stories of
pain and suffering brought on by forced removals. The destabilization and destruction of these mixed
communities also sought to quash any pockets of resistance to apartheid’s grand
plans. Another apartheid tactic was to utilize vast swaths of lands as buffer
zones to keep races separated and as a means of militarily controlling these
townships and in the case of uprisings.
This Act alone resulted in the wholesale expropriation of prime real estate across the entire country and
displaced communities were pushed out to outlying areas far from the cities or
desirable locations. More destructive however, was the resulting instability
endured by millions of Africans, Coloureds and Indians for many generations, who
lived in a constant state of limbo, waiting for the order to move out when
alternative housing became available in one the numerous apartheid ghettos that
were largely pits of poverty, crime, gangs, drugs etc. and lawlessness since the
old established communities, with well defined social hierarchies that had
existed for generations, were suddenly obliterated.
Thus the grand theft of apartheid intensified.
These days however, a silent gentrification of the Western Cape is currently underway since 1994,
under the influence of the Democratic Alliance. This YouTube clip on the Rogues of Cape Town or Tourism is stepping on us
highlights one aspect of the tragedy caused by gentrification
in Cape Town and surrounding cities. Property in Cape Town in now beyond the
reach of over 99% of local Africans, Coloureds and Indians. This is just the tip
of the iceberg, since this phenomenon is prevalent throughout the Western Cape.
The old money from the spoils of apartheid is now protected under the guise of
capitalism and free markets by the government in the Western Cape seeking to
turn the City of Cape Town into a “model city” for South Africa through the
marginalization of blacks to prove their “white efficiency” in governance -
again, more flawed thinking from a political party that was once closely aligned
with the old National Party.
The Results
South Africa now has greatest per capita racial economic disparity in Africa, and quite possibly in
the entire world! So its no surprise that the latest UN-HABITAT
report
shows South African cities topping the list of most unequal cities in
the world.
The economics of centuries of artificially created land shortage coupled with the the bureaucratic morass
of arcane, complex rules, regulations and documentation has taken its toll. To
add insult to injury, this embarrassing situation is made worse by the fact that
the historic grand theft of land now has to be redressed by the victims paying
the perpetrators for land restitution! This has taken the form of an outlandish
and totally failed strategy of “willing buyer, willing seller” – a cruel joke
which has resulted in the entire democratization of land redistribution coming
almost to a grinding halt! At this rate real land reform may only be feasible at
the end of the century – 2099!
For many centuries before
1994, white owned farms were heavily subsidized by successive regimes in an
attempt to expand its reach and control into the rural areas. This trend has
striking similarities to the how American colonizers grabbed most of Mexico and Native American Indian Lands (compared to the early tribes
that roamed the east and west) until the days of the
brutal frontier expansion into what was commonly referred to as the “Wild West”
where the word genocide was not even conceived yet.
The townships, locations,
homelands etc. were usually located in lands that whites did not desire or was
conveniently located to facilitate a migrant labor pool that usually involved
long commutes. The artificial shortage of land created by these laws also
resulted in inflated home prices in some of the “wealthier” black neighborhoods. After our
liberation, the repeal of these laws resulted in another property bubble as
blacks were finally allowed to spread into other areas. In an obscene act of
double-dipping, whites largely in control of the private real estate economy,
stacked the deck and further capitalized on this frenzied property bubble by
selling off their homes at exorbitant prices since banks, in cahoots with
wealthy real estate investors, suddenly became lax in their usually strict
lending policies. This widened the vast
socioeconomic disparity along racial lines since whites were in the prime
position to capitalize on generations of property ownership.
Where to now?
Well it all depends…
When the youth of South Africa now demand “Economic liberation in our lifetime”, the mainstream media
controlled by our powerful media cartel – a relic of the old apartheid
propaganda machine, are quick to label it a “land grab” instead of what it
actually is in reality, LAND RESTITUTION. Strange that
our media elite never exposes the obscene land grabs during apartheid or nobody
is stepping forward to relinquish some of their ill-gotten
gains!
With youth unemployment at stratospheric levels and a world wide recession that is still ravaging countries
across the world, South African youth need to be empowered to spark that
entrepreneurial flame and become more self-sufficient. Land ownership is be one
way help our youth move towards greater self-sufficiency. There are many novel
ways to leverage our natural resources and sustain our economy e.g. subsistence agriculture (similar to densely populated villages
in China and India), eco-friendly housing – much of which is already an intrinsic part of
African culture, ecotourism – allows tourists to get a real taste of South
Africa away from those sterile five-star hotels etc. This will enable our
younger generation to participate in building real wealth and creating family
owned businesses that could be handed down to future
generations.
It’s imperative that the beneficiaries of apartheid’s great land grab now engage honestly and
expeditiously with the government in a good faith attempt to bring about true
land reform or face even dire consequences.
The time already squandered since 1994 by legal wrangling, political games, finger pointing, and delay
tactics were shortsighted and will certainly result in a even more disadvantaged
negotiating position for current apartheid landowners. Claiming the sky is
falling because of land restitution, blaming the
government, denying that apartheid’s land grabs were illegal,
equating farming to a rocket science that blacks are incapable of, or simply
saying that blacks cannot be trusted with farming land, are all insulting and
grossly demeaning to millions of blacks who have borne the brunt of apartheid’s
evil for generations. On the other hand, acknowledging the current mess and the need for immediate action is a
prerequisite to honest negotiations. As many astute observers,
analysts and historians have pointed out repeatedly to the beneficiaries of
apartheid, that this time around, time is not on their side.

South African convoy on its way to Gaza through Africa

Gaza-bound land convoy reaches Sudan  By Isma’il Kushkush, For CNN July 28, 2011 — Updated 1556 GMT (2356 HKT)

Land convoy from South Africa is bound for Gaza

The convoy has crossed seven countries so far. Prospects for driving across Egypt are uncertain, organizers say

A humanitarian land convoy heading to Gaza from South Africa reached Port Sudan, Sudan on the Red Sea Wednesday and is destined to become the first relief mission to Gaza from Africa. “I was inspired last year by the convoys that went to Gaza from Europe, so we asked ourselves; why not from Africa?” said Sheikh Walid al-Saadi of the South African Relief Agency (SARA).

After eight months of preparation, the land convoy which consists of ten trucks, explained al-Saadi, departed Durban, South Africa on June 26 and has passed through seven countries thus far including Botswana, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Tanzania, Kenya, Ethiopia and Sudan. It is to unload its shipment of humanitarian aid in Port Sudan on ships that will head to Suez, Egypt where members of the convoy will receive their trucks after flying to Egypt from Sudan.

The convoy has received the support of several South African leaders including Bishop Desmond Tutu who said in a YouTube video message: “I want to congratulate SARA and wish them well. You are helping to do God’s work; God bless you.”

Gaza has been under a land, sea and air blockade by Israel since 2007. Israeli authorities say the blockade is to limit rocket attacks fired from Gaza and to prevent Hamas authorities who govern the Gaza from obtaining weapons and funds. Egyptian authorities had maintained a blockade on Gaza from 2007 to 2011.

Last May, United Nations Under-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator Valerie Amos said that the blockade of Gaza has resulted in a stifling of economic activity and a serious decline in education, health care and water and sanitation services.

The Africa to Gaza Aid Convoy’s mission follows recent attempts by European and American ships to reach Gaza as part of a coalition known as Freedom Flotilla II but were blocked from doing so. They include the American ship The Audacity of Hope flotilla that was prevented by Greek authorities from sailing to Gaza from Athens and the French ship Dignite-Al-Karma that was intercepted by an Israeli naval ship.

Last year, Israeli commandos prevented the Gaza Freedom Flotilla from reaching Gaza from Turkey and bordered the ship Mavi Marmara. The raid on the ship led to the death of nine Turkish activists. “We are a peaceful convoy on an aid mission,” affirms al-Saadi. “We can’t predict what is going to happen, we know there’s pressure on the Egyptian government, but you never know.”

According to al-Saadi, the Egyptian government has not allowed the convoy to drive on Egyptian land and has requested they go straight via sea from Port Sudan to Al-Arish near the Egyptian-Gaza border. “[But] the ships from Port Sudan can only go to Suez, so we are trying to solve this problem,” he says.

The trip from South Africa to Sudan has had its challenges, al-Saadi explains. “We were delayed at some borders for no clear reasons and some of the roads were very bad,” he says. “We got to a place between Zambia and Tanzania that was full of pot holes; I think if one of the trucks had fallen into one you would’ve needed a crane to take it out.”

The convoy’s shipment, al-Saadi continues, is carrying aid to the people of Gaza including “one hundred and twenty two generators, diapers for the elderly and children, cloths, stationery, and we intend to buy medicine in Egypt.” Palesa Rasekoala, 46, an architect and member of the convoy says “after the last Gaza War, the images I saw, of legs being amputated without anesthesia, for me, that was it, I don’t’ know the details, but I know a wrong is being done.”

Rasekoala, a granddaughter of South African ANC activists, continued: “As a South African and after what we went through and coming out of that and having the support of the world, and as a Christian, I had to take a stand.”

From http://edition.cnn.com/2011/WORLD/africa/07/28/sudan.gaza.convoy/

Mark Braverman reflects on his recent visit to South Africa

Blog: The Politics of Hope

My visit to South Africa Part 1:  A confessing church,1985-2011

June 11, 2011 at 10:07 am

Part 1:  A Confessing Church, 1985-2011

 

The first task of a prophetic theology for our times would be an attempt at social analysis or what Jesus would call “reading the signs of the times” (Mt 16:3) or “interpreting this KAIROS.” (Lk 12:56) (Kairos South Africa document, 1985).

Johannesburg, South Africa, April 2011:

Why?  I kept asking them.  Why are you so wholeheartedly and passionately committed to this cause?  Why little Palestine?  You have massive problems here. The post-Apartheid era is proving more challenging in some ways than the struggle to end it, as you endeavor to find a way out of deep structural inequality and seemingly intractable economic divisions along racial lines.

The answers came without hesitation. First: The world was here for us during our struggle. Second: We know what Apartheid is. We cannot stand idly by. This must be our struggle as well.

I was in South Africa for the Kairos Southern Africa –Kairos Palestine encounter. Pastors, theologians and society leaders from Southern Africa, including many of the great – and outside of Africa, unsung – heroes of the anti-Apartheid movement, in addition to younger church people, had organized under the name Kairos Southern Africa. They had invited a delegation of Palestinian Christians, including many of the authors of the Kairos Palestine document, for a conference and a series of meetings with church, civil society and government leaders to launch Kairos Palestine in Southern Africa. But this meeting was more than a simple expression of solidarity with Palestinians struggling for freedom and self-determination. It was an affirmation of the overall mission of the church in Southern Africa. As one of the several non-African/ non-Palestinians and the only North American in attendance, I realized that this extraordinary gathering carried a critically important message for the church globally and in particular the church in the United States. In order to understand that message, we need to understand a bit about the history of the struggle with South African Apartheid.

As early as the late 1950s, statements began to emerge from South African church bodies expressing the fundamental conflict between Apartheid and Christian beliefs and principles. The church was beginning to confront, not only its silence in the face of racist laws, but the fact that it was practicing racial separation and discrimination within its own walls. Most important, the church was calling into question ways in which Christian doctrine had been employed and was continuing to be used to justify policies of separation and discrimination. By the 1980s, uprisings in the townships and brutal suppression by the government of all forms of resistance had brought the country to a boiling point. Anglican Bishop Desmond Tutu had assumed leadership of the South African Council of Churches and was taking an increasingly vocal stance against Apartheid.

In 1982 a watershed event occurred. The leaders of the World Alliance of Reformed Churches (WARC) met in Ottawa Canada. Nine black and coloured pastors from South Africa refused to partake of the Lord’s supper with their white colleagues because they could not do so at home in Apartheid South Africa. The World Alliance got the message: the WARC declared the church to be in status confessionis. Nothing moves, they declared, all other church business takes a back seat, until this betrayal of the core values of our faith is addressed. They then suspended the South African white Dutch Reformed Church member churches from the worldwide church body. These church leaders knew that not only was the church complicit in its silence, but that it had a responsibility for having helped create the very structures of separation and discrimination upon which the current state structures were built, and for having developed the original theological support for racist policies. They realized that this meant that the church was in violation of the fundamental principle of equality under God, the unity of all creation, and the dignity of all living things. In the words of the “Confession of Faith” of the Dutch Reformed Mission Church of South Africa (the “Belhar Confession”), written in 1982 and officially adopted in 1986, “we reject any doctrine which absolutizes either natural diversity or the sinful separation of people…or breaks the visible and active unity of the church…”

The Belhar Confession was followed in 1985 by a towering statement of theological courage, titled “Challenge to the Church” and signed by 150 South African theologians.  Also known as the “The Kairos Document,” it was, in the words of South African journalist and biographer of Desmond Tutu John Allen “soon seen as one of the most important theological documents of its time.” The 1985 Kairos Document signaled the final stage of the struggle that culminated in the end of Apartheid in 1994. South African theologian and church historian John De Gruchy, the author of The Church Struggle in South Africa, has pointed out to me that church struggle has two meanings – the struggle was not only of the church with Apartheid, but with itself. This same observation was made to me by two other central figures in the anti-Apartheid struggle, theologian Albert Nolan and pastor and activist Frank Chikane. From the beginnings of the anti-Apartheid struggle and to its very end, the church was never totally united in principle and in action. But through the efforts of an increasing number of courageous individuals, and as the struggle intensified and the fundamental issues became more and more clear, the church found its prophetic voice, its feet squarely planted on the ground it knew it had to claim.

This is an example of theology in action – theology in response to history. In some circles, and at times when this kind of theology has threatened the church establishment itself, such theology has been dismissed as “contextual,” as if the doing of theology in direct response social conditions somehow diminishes faith or reduces faith to something less elevated than itself. Ulrich Duchrow, theologian and co-founder of Kairos Europa, has this to say about this claim: “Working sociologically does not mean restricting the meaning of biblical texts to so-called sociological questions but rather recognizing that socio-economic and political structures and ways of acting are, according to the insights of the Bible, to be addressed as a decision for or against God. It is the social questions that are theologized, and not the God question that is secularized” (Duchrow, U. Alternatives to Global Capitalism, International Books with Kairos Europa, the Hague, 1995, 142).

During my time in South Africa, this same point was driven home repeatedly in conversations with people and in encounters across South African society. In the words of Edwin Arrison, an Anglican priest and coordinator of Kairos Southern Africa, “Kairos Palestine is a blessing for us.”  Solidarity with the Palestinian struggle, he was saying, puts our South African church in touch with our prophetic, faithful heart. It sets us more surely on the ground on which we as a church live spiritually, ground we have been in danger of losing since the end of Apartheid in our own country. The energy we put into Palestine, he said, does not diminish our energy to deal with our own issues, it augments it. I was told by a pastor from Swaziland that knowing about someone else’s troubles and struggle helps you understand your own — you don’t feel so isolated. For a Southern African, I learned, solidarity with the Palestinian struggle is not about taking on another burden or cause on top of the issues at home. It is not a net gain in responsibility – rather, especially in the context of the monumental challenges facing South Africa today, it makes the load lighter.

I heard Ronnie Kasrils, Jewish South African anti-Apartheid activist and politician, speak to a large group of young people from the black township of Khayelitsha in Cape Town one evening in the presence of the Palestinian and Southern African Kairos delegations. Rousing these black teenagers and young mothers and fathers living under conditions of extreme poverty to the cause of their Palestinian brothers and sisters, Kasrils spoke to the Palestinians on behalf all South Africans: “You are not alone,” he said, “we are with you!  When we were fighting the Boers and were being mowed down in the townships, the world stood with us. When we heard that the people in the USA and the UK were supporting us and standing with us in boycotting South Africa, that meant everything to us. From up there to down here, the love is here for truth and justice and to stand for all people!” And the young people, some wearing “Free Shuhada Street” t-shirts (Shuhada is the main market street in Hebron in the West Bank, closed off to Palestinians to “protect” illegal Jewish settlers), rose to their feet and sang and danced to the hymn “We are Marching over to Jerusalem.”

We were hosted by the Muslim Judicial Council in Cape Town and were told by the Imam that the South African commitment to this struggle this is not only for Palestinians, or for Muslims, but for all of humanity. Officially endorsing the Palestine Kairos document, the leaders of the Council affirmed the need for Christians, Jews and Muslims to live together in peace in the Holy Land, as they had done for centuries.

We met with the Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town, Thabo Makgoba. Fresh from his recent visit to Bethlehem to address the international meeting of Sabeel, he had been to Palestine, he had seen the occupation, and he offered his full support. We met with the Catholic Archbishop of Cape Town, who had been there, and, fully understanding the importance of working for justice in Palestine, he offered his support in educating South African Catholics about the situation. But the congregation at the Cape Town Cathedral on the Sunday morning following the Kairos meeting had not been there, had not seen the oppression of the Palestinians first hand. And yet when Canon Naim Ateek of Sabeel preached that morning, speaking about the Palestinian plight, the similarities to Apartheid, and of the moral and theological imperative to support the Boycott Divestment and Sanctions campaign, he received enthusiastic applause – not a normal occurrence after a sermon in an Anglican cathedral! The worshipers that morning understood Apartheid because they had lived it. When the General Secretary of the South African Council of Churches met with the Palestinian delegation he was ready with concrete offers to distribute the Palestine Kairos document for study throughout the South African churches, and to work to ensure that pilgrimages to the Holy Land include exposure to the occupation and meetings with peace activists. Like the worshippers in the Cathedral that Sunday, he had not been to Palestine. But he could not fail to feel the pain of the Palestinians and to understand their suffering. And he knew what had to be done.

Kairos Consciousness

Liberation theologian, Uniting Dutch Reformed pastor and anti-Apartheid activist Professor Allan Boesak recently described Kairos consciousness in this way:

A Kairos consciousness is a critical consciousness. It discerns and critiques the situation in which we live. It understands that it is a situation of life and death. There is a conflict – between rich and poor, oppressor and oppressed, powerful and powerless, beneficiaries and victims, those who are included and those who are excluded. In that critique there is no room for sentiment and romanticism – peoples’ lives are at stake. The crisis we are facing is not just economic, social and political, it is a moral crisis…

The situation is one of extreme urgency precisely because the stakes are so very high. This calls for action and we respond with prophetic faithfulness and prophetic daring.

This movement is not simply a campaign in support of one popular struggle.  It is not simply a movement to bring racial equality to one group of oppressed people. It is a global movement to delegitimize an Apartheid system that rivals the one that burned into the soul and the soil of South Africa until only two short decades ago. That regime was brought to an end, as it had to be, by the irresistible pressure of the oppressed people of South Africa and their allies among white South Africans, the global church, foreign governments called to account, and the enduring, persistent and spirit-infused human commitment to justice.

This is not only about Palestine. South African theologian Charles Villa-Vicencio, one of the authors of the 1985 Kairos document, had this to say to me when we met in Cape Town:  “This is bigger than Palestine. It’s the fault line running through western civilization, the point of split in the first century between the followers of Jesus and those who clung to their Rome-granted power base in Jerusalem.”  In other words, it’s about whether religion is used to separate groups from one another and to grant one group the right to dominate another, or whether it is about bringing humankind to a realization of our unity and connectedness.  So the church was born to this. Indeed, the church was born in this. And the church is taking this on, in South Africa, in the U.S., in growing number of centers in Europe.  And it is the church, globally, that will be crucial in ending the system that is destroying Israeli society, has hijacked the Jewish faith, continues to fuel global conflict, and has produced one of the most systematic and longstanding violations of human rights in the world today. What I experienced in South Africa a few short weeks ago convinced me that the energized South African church will be the leading edge of the global movement to end Apartheid in Palestine.

The other leading edge will be church in the United States.

To be continued in Part 2,  “A moment of truth for the American church”

From www.markbraverman.org

April 2011 Letter of greeting from Arch-emeritus Tutu

March 2011

Dear friends, our Palestinian sisters and brothers in the faith

Welcome home! As you know, South Africa is the cradle of all humanity and we are therefore all Africans, and I welcome you back home to Africa. I apologise that I cannot be at your conference in Johannesburg.

We honour the fact that a new humanity was born in a cradle in Bethlehem and therefore the encounter between Kairos Southern Africa and Kairos Palestine has a very special significance, not least because this is also the place where Kairos theology was born and where a line was drawn in the sand when Christians declared: “Enough is enough. No longer will God’s name be misused to justify an evil ideology”. Through your Kairos document, you have now done the same, and we know that your motivation is not political, but because the very essence of the Gospel is at stake. You are not only concerned about your own humanity, but also about the humanity of the oppressor, for whose redemption we will continue to pray and work. You have now re-inspired us as I know you were inspired by the role that many Christians played in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa, and for this we thank you. Because we are one body, we are now in complete solidarity with you and we look forward to rejoicing with you when your freedom comes.

This is our faith: Just as the wall of Apartheid came tumbling down, the wall of Israeli apartheid will also come tumbling down. About that we have no doubt. Those with guns and dogs and bullets could not crush our quest for freedom, and the rest of humanity now joins you in your struggle and encourage you in your non-violent struggle as Israel now arrogantly struts around with their weapons of violence, sadly supported by some Christians in the West. Our Bible however tells us that violence will never have the last word; the message of faith, hope and love, which you have proclaimed, will have the last word. This is what we are assured of and this is what we will keep on working and praying for.

May your conference be blessed and may the seeds of this conference fall on rich ground, and nourish your faith as you gather together. Our God neither slumbers nor sleeps, and therefore he hears the cry of your hearts and he will, in his risen Body, once again overcome the forces of death, just as he did outside the gates of Jerusalem.

God bless you.

Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu

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